| Q: I have noticed that, since the book's publication, you have
spent a good deal of time on the road promoting it. How would you
describe the book's reception so far, particularly its reception
by African-American students and the black intellectual
establishment?
A: On the road I find that at first, black audiences are mostly waiting
to hate me, out of a sense that "black conservatives" are evil,
opportunistic, naive characters. When they see that I am a human
being, and not even really that far to the right, generally I"get"
about half the room. It probably helps that I am young and
apparently look it — it makes it harder to dismiss me as "out of touch" with
contemporary culture.
The "black intellectual establishment" of course hates the book, and
unfortunately it is these people who the (liberal) media usually
call upon to review it. So most of my mainstream reviews are nasty. But
these contrast with the literally fifty messages and letters I get a
week, from as many blacks as whites, who love the book. The"black
intellectual establishment" are, after all, but a sliver of the
black population. And especially since I am not a sociologist by trade, my
academic career does not depend on how Ishmael Reed or David Dent
feel about Losing the Race. Their opinion is irrelevant to me — it
is the public I am talking to.
Q: More than once in recently published reviews, you have been
accused of opportunism, of donning the "black conservative" mantle
for fundamentally mercenary reasons. How do you respond to this
criticism?
A: This is an understandable criticism — these people can't help it.
As I say in the book, they are truly convinced that racism remains a
serious obstacle to black well-being, and thus naturally they cannot
imagine that points like mine could be based on logic. Thus it
follows that they assume I must not mean what I say.
Which is why they don't see any problem with, say, Cornel West
making millions with his work. People accusing me and others as
opportunists are, unfortunately, highly blinkered in their perspective on black
America, and always will be. Our job is to keep young blacks from
falling into this trap.
Q: Do you find that your thesis in any way applies to the course of
the Florida election, whether with regards to the issue of
"disenfranchisement" or with regards to the controversy surrounding
Jeb Bush's decision to dismantle affirmative action?
A: I did an op-ed in the Washington Post on this [subject] two Sundays ago. ... As for the Jeb Bush adventure, of course the root of the response is again, the idea
that blacks remain hobbled by racism. This makes the idea of holding
blacks to mainstream standards seem inhuman to many black people.
Q: Losing the Race deals exclusively with the black academic
experience. And yet, at several points in your discussion, you
touch upon the issue of "diversity." In what ways does the
victimologist discourse interact with the rhetoric of diversity? In
what ways (if any) does post-209 Berkeley typify this interaction?
A: The idea that "diversity" should be weighted over credentials after
a certain point stems, in education, from a tacit sense that really
hitting the top note in academia is foreign to the black essence, as
I say in the book. Under this conviction, it naturally seems more
important that black faces be "in the mix" regardless of whether
they are as qualified as anyone else. Victimology plays its hand in the
idea that also, blacks are PREVENTED from being able to be as good
as everyone else, rather than subtlely culturally disinclined to.
Naturally it seems from there that "diversity" ought be more
important.
To return to the review of McWhorter's book, click here.
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