| One Saturday a few weeks ago, I attended a one day pedagogical
seminar for graduate student instructors. I will be an instructor for the
first time in the fall and had hoped that the seminar would offer helpful
tips on the meat and bones of teaching: grading policy, discussion
preparation, instilling quiet students with the confidence to speak and
all the other mundane but crucial ingredients of conducting a
successful class. In the event, none of these issues were addressed.
Our limited time, the seminar’s organizers had apparently concluded,
could be more profitably devoted to a four hour consideration of
"diversity in the classroom".
It wasn’t just the fact of having wasted a fine Saturday afternoon
indoors that bothered me. No, what really annoyed me was that I
had heard it all so many times before. The seminar -- which, it turns
out, was mainly about how to smooth over racial and ethnic conflict in
the classroom while not seeming to take sides -- was based on a
simple premise, constantly repeated: diversity in the classroom is a
necessary and valuable part of the college experience.
Well, maybe. Certainly there is nothing wrong with diversity in itself.
In fact, I agree with most of what diversity’s proponents have to say:
in a multicultural and democratic society such as our own, a broad
representation of racial and ethnic minorities in public institutions --
including the nation’s colleges and universities -- is a legitimate goal.
But is it, as those who argue for "diversity in the classroom" say,
necessary?
The case for diversity in the classroom -- which I had the bad luck of
hearing for the hundredth time at my Saturday seminar -- is a simple
one. According to those who support the notion, diversity is an
essential aspect of the academic experience. The reason for this is
that, without diversity, there is no difference. Since a thriving
intellectual life depends upon the challenge presented by new and
different ideas, it follows that diversity is a necessary ingredient of
such a life. Without diversity, in other words, the intellectual climate of
the university would be profoundly impoverished. So we should all
just shut up and celebrate it.
When you put the case this way, it’s hard to disagree with the
diversity boosters. Imagine, if you can, a world-without-diversity. It
would be a place of absolute homogeneity: everyone would look
alike, think alike, act alike, ad nauseum. Under these circumstances,
debate and disagreement would be out of the question. Similarly
with invention and discovery. The college classrooms of this
world-without-diversity would be sad, boring places indeed.
So far, so good. The problem is, those who advocate diversity in
the classroom aren’t talking about difference per se. Rather, they
have a specific type of difference in mind: for the average diversity
booster, difference counts only when it is racial or ethnic in nature. It is
not obvious, however, why this sort of diversity should matter in the
classroom. For genuine difference of opinion naturally arises through
the independent use of the critical intelligence. Fill a room with smart
people, give them all the same thing to read, stir, and in no time a
variety of opinions will arise with regards to their reading. To claim
instead -- as so many people do nowadays -- that difference of
opinion is the result of different "perspectives" or "life experiences"
and that these, in turn, have primarily to do with a person’s race or
ethnicity is to commit two falsehoods at once. First, it is to suggest
that smart people of the same racial and ethnic background will
always agree with one another. Second, it is to suggest that smart
people of different racial and ethnic backgrounds will always
disagree. In both cases, the falsehood results from the assumption
that every race and ethnicity has its own "perspective" and that it is in
this that difference resides.
But how could that be? After all, people of the same race and
ethnicity regularly disagree with one another. Are some of their
perspectives more "real" than others? Even if people of the same
race and ethnicity always agreed, it is not clear what their perspective
would have to tell us in particular cases. What, for instance, is the
African-American perspective on organic chemistry? Or the
Chinese-American perspective on Greek tragedy? Or the
European-American perspective on mechanical engineering? Even
in the more obvious cases the question is far from clear. To say that
there is, for instance, an African-American perspective on racial
profiling or a Mexican-American perspective on illegal immigration is
necessarily to privilege some views while excluding others. And
from whose perspective are we going to make that decision?
In spite of the patent falsehood of the diversity argument, it is now widely endorsed by
university administrations across the country -- with important consequences for
contemporary education policy. One of the justifications for the recent drive to dismantle the SATs, for instance, is that on-campus diversity will increase in its absence. A similar
argument is offered for affirmative action. Since diversity is such an important part of the
academic experience, defenders of affirmative action argue, it is in everyone’s interest to
support a policy which ensures a broad representation of racial and ethnic minorities on
campus, even when that means that good students are turned away for no other reason
than the color of their skin. In both cases, the diversity boosters are cynically trading on
the momentary popularity of the idea, foolish in itself, that race equals "perspective."
Recent events at the University of California’s Boalt School of Law
nicely illustrate the intellectual bankruptcy of this new consensus on
diversity. Earlier this Spring, the appointment of University of
Minnesota professor Daniel Farber to Boalt’s faculty triggered
several days of protest on the part of Boalt students. No one
present denied that Farber, a specialist in the burgeoning field of
environmental law, had the credentials, competence, and desire to
perform his new job. Rather, what concerned the protesters was that
Farber’s appointment threatened diversity at Boalt. In part, this was
because Farber, a white male, would be just another pale face on
the faculty’s roster. But just as importantly, the students opposed
Farber because Farber himself opposes "critical race theory," an
area of activist legal studies aimed at exposing the ways in which
American law is designed to perpetuate white dominance.
The irony of the protesters’ stance on the Farber appointment was
that Boalt already has several prominent practitioners of "critical race
theory." It was thus a little surprising that Farber’s opponents should
have expressed their opposition in the language of "diversity."
Though Farber adds little to the school’s diversity in crude racial
terms, his appointment rather obviously contributes to the intellectual
diversity of the institution. And isn’t that what counts?
Increasingly, the answer is "no." As a Boalt alumnus put it in a letter to
the student paper, in the mind of the average liberal, "100 students
with the same point of view but different skin colors are diverse,
while 100 students with the same skin color and different points of
view are not." Though the defenders of diversity in the classroom
pretend otherwise, in the end the only type of diversity they care
about is the kind that’s skin deep.
The fact that it is often used to mask an agenda which is
fundamentally anti-intellectual is not the only problem with the
discourse of diversity. Though the argument for diversity in the
classroom is false to the extent that it tends to equate race with
"perspective," the constant reiteration of this otherwise bad argument
by persons in positions of authority has had the perverse effect of
convincing many minority students that their primary intellectual
allegiances should be with those who to one degree or another
resemble them.
In this respect, the argument for diversity is proving to be strangely
self-fulfilling. The more people believe that their ideas are the
product of their racial and ethnic descriptions, the more they will tend
to organize themselves into communities of thought defined along
these lines. The champions of diversity in the classroom, in other
words, may turn out to be right after all: the day may yet arrive when
race equals perspective. If so, they will only have themselves to
blame.
But it will probably never occur to them to do so. One measure of
the recent success enjoyed by "diversity" is the fact that it is now
nearly impossible to criticize the notion. Such criticism is worse than
taboo -- it is obscure. This obscurity will only increase as time
passes and the diversity boosters gain confidence, a fact which only
goes to show that ideas don’t need to be good to be widely
accepted as obvious and true. As I looked about the seminar room I
wondered whether any of my colleagues felt the same way. Judging
by their eager faces, I’d say the answer for these teachers of the
future is no.
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