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Radical politics have been part of the game on
American campuses since at least the
mid-1960s but have recently taken a new and
disturbing turn. At colleges and universities
across the country, the Movimiento
Estudiantil de Chicanos de Aztlan (The
Student Movement of Aztlan Chicanos) —
better known by its acronym, MEChA — is
calling for the surrender of wide swaths of
American territory to Mexico. Worse yet, in
doing so, it has the support of university
administrators, elected officials, and — thanks
to the mandatory student activity fees on which
the organization depends — tuition-paying
students. 1
Founded in the late 1960s, MEChA has spent
the last three decades indoctrinating Latino
students on American campuses in the
ideology of reconquista (reconquest).
According to MEChA propaganda, the
Southwestern United States — including
California, Arizona, Texas, New Mexico, as
well as parts of Nevada, Utah, and Colorado
— sits on the territory of the ancient (and
mythical) “Nation of Aztlan.” Supposedly the
cradle of Aztec civilization, MEChA charges that
Aztlan was unjustly seized by the United
States following the Mexican-American War.
Now MEChA wants this territory given back to
its alleged rightful owners: the people and
government of Mexico.
As a matter of fact, the American Southwest
was not, as MEChA claims, “stolen” from
Mexico. Following the Mexican-American War,
the government of Mexico legally ceded this
territory to the United States (by the Treaty of
Guadalupe de Hidalgo, 1848). Nor has there
ever been any place called “Aztlan” on
American soil, much less a “Nation of Aztlan.”
Invented 30 years ago by radical Latino
activists, the Nation of Atzlan has more in
common with Atlantis than with Israel.
But MEChA is not a group to let facts get in the
way. There are today more than 300 MEChA
unions in existence, with more than 100 in
California alone. While the group is
concentrated in the Southwest and along the
West Coast, it can also be found farther East:
It’s got chapters at MIT, Yale, Cornell, George
Washington University, and Brown, among
other East Coast universities. On the West
Coast, where MEChA is to be found in nearly
every institution of higher education, the
movement is spreading so quickly that it has
set its sights on the public school system,
establishing high school chapters and
encouraging its young supporters to
participate in its numerous (and sometimes
violent) protests and marches.
The revolution that MEChA plans for the
American Southwest is to be a peaceful one
— at least for the time being. By supporting
continued high levels of Mexican immigration
to the United States, MEChA hopes to achieve
by sheer weight of numbers what the U.S.
government long ago achieved by force of
arms: the re-partition of the American
Southwest. To this end, MEChA endorses a
cocktail of pro-immigration policies. These
include open borders, government benefits
(including the right to vote and obtain drivers
licenses) for non-citizens, amnesty for illegal
aliens, dual citizenship, state recognition of
Spanish as an official language, and racial
set-asides in education and corporate hiring.
MEChA is hardly alone in
promoting these policies. The National
Council of La Raza and the Mexican-American Legal Defense
and Education Fund (MALDEF), two of the
better known Latino advocacy groups, also
support them (as does Mexican President
Vicente Fox). What distinguishes MEChA from
its more mainstream counterparts, however,
is its explicit and virulent calls for reconquest.
While organizations like La Raza and MALDEF
may harbor irredentist dreams, MEChA has
made the reconquest of the American
Southwest the central platform of its program.
As one of MEChA’s founding documents, El Plan Espiritual de
Aztlan (The Spiritual Plan of Atzlan)
puts it: “In the spirit of a new people that is
conscious not only of its proud historical
heritage but also of the brutal ‘gringo’ invasion
of our territories, we, the Chicano inhabitants
and civilizers of the northern land of Aztlan
from whence came our forefathers,
reclaiming the land of their birth and
consecrating the determination of our people
of the sun, declare that the call of our
blood is our power, our responsibility, and our
inevitable destiny.”
El Plan Espiritual is typical, not just for
its atrocious prose, but also for its violent
racial overtones. Indeed, to judge by the
numerous Web sites and student publications
sponsored by MEChA, life after the reconquest
is going to be a pretty dreary affair. Just
beneath the surface of the Marxist-inspired
“union of free pueblos” imagined by MEChA
visionaries runs a rich vein of race
hatred and conspiratorial anti-Semitism.
As an editorial addressed to “capitalist whites”
in the University of California Irvine’s La Voz
Mestiza (The Mestiza Voice) concludes,
“You’ve spilled enough of our blood, now it’s
your turn to bleed you [expletive] sub-human
beasts.” Or, as one of MEChA’s many
charming slogans has it, “por la Raza todo;
fuera la Raza nada”: for those of our race,
everything; for those outside of it, nothing.
Such statements don’t leave much to the
imagination. In calling for the re-partition of the
American Southwest, MEChA is not just
seeking the overthrow of the American
government but the overthrow of its people as
well. Only in this way will it achieve “the bronze
continent for the bronze people” of which it
dreams. This is strong beer, indeed. As a
number of recent cases indicated, however,
MEChA is not just tolerated on our supposedly
multicultural campuses. It is encouraged:
1) In 1995, the Voz Fronteriza, the
University of California San Diego’s (UCSD)
official MEChA publication, ran an editorial on
the death of a Latino INS agent. Describing
him as a traitor to his race who deserved to
die, the editors of the Voz concluded
that “all the migra [a pejorative term for
the Immigration and Naturalization Service] pigs should
be killed, every single one.” In the controversy
that followed, UCSD Vice Chancellor Joseph
W. Watson defended the publication’s right to
free expression. Watson also refused to
officially condemn the sentiments expressed
in the Voz Fronteriza article, arguing that
“the university is legally prohibited from
censuring the contents of student
publications.”
2) Late last year, two student reporters from
the UCSD satiric publication, The
Koala, attended and attempted to
photograph an open meeting of MEChA. In
response to complaints from MEChA, the
UCSD administration charged them with
violating the student code’s catch-all
prohibition on “obstruction or disruption of
teaching, research, administration,
disciplinary procedures, or other UCSD or
University activities.” Watson — the same man
who, six years earlier, had defended the
Voz Fronteriza’s “right to free
expression” and refused to condemn the
contents of the publication — issued a
statement to “condemn Koala’s abuse
of the constitutional guarantees of free
expression and disfavor their unconscionable
behavior”.
Watson then brought the staff of The
Koala before an administrative court.
When it appeared the court was likely to find in
The Koala’s favor, the administration
annulled the proceedings and ordered that the
trial be re-held, this time in secret. The
Koala was saved from Watson’s kangaroo
court only after the Foundation of Individual Rights
in Education (FIRE) stepped in, reminding
the UCSD administration of the constitutional
protections of due process and freedom of
expression and calling media attention to the
case.
3) In February of this year, The California
Patriot, a publication of the University of
California Berkeley College Republicans, ran an article critical of MEChA.
Before the journal could be distributed, a
number of people — apparently MEChA
activists — broke into the Patriot’s
campus offices and stole the entire print run,
valued at $2000. When Patriot staff
members lodged a complaint with the
university police department, they received
death threats. The university, meanwhile,
quietly dropped the case. It continues to
supply Berkeley MEChA with $20,000 in yearly
student activity fees.
Something is clearly wrong with this picture.
While MEChA has as much right to free
expression as the next hate group, one would
like to think that, left to its own devices, “el
Movimiento” would wither and die. The
problem is, it hasn’t been left to its own
devices. In each of the cases mentioned
above, MEChA has not only not been
discouraged — it has in fact been accorded
special protection denied other student
groups. What’s more, MEChA chapters often
benefit, as at Berkeley, from lavish grants of
student activity fees. If MEChA has
successfully spread through the American
university system, it is only because university
administrators and faculty — the guardians of
the system — have opened all the doors.
In doing so, they no doubt comfort themselves
with the idea that it is all for the greater good of
“diversity.” After all, in contrast to the “gringos”
against whom the organization spends most
of its time railing, MEChA can claim to
represent a recognized ethnic minority. In the
hyper-simplified, two-tone world of
contemporary academia, that’s all it takes to
count as a victim. MEChA advocates the
overthrow of the U.S. government, the seizure
of large swaths of U.S. territory, and the
expulsion (or worse) of those presently living
there. For this generation of college
administrators and left-wing faculty, however,
MEChA is a victim group deserving protection.
Such is the logic of diversity. The road to
Aztlan, at any rate, will be paved with good
intentions.
1 California
politicians who have never renounced their
membership in the organization include
Lieutenant Governor and current ex-officio UC
Regent Cruz Bustamente, former State
Assembly Speaker and Los Angeles mayoral
candidate Antonio Villaraigosa, State
Assemblyman Gil Cadillo and State Sen. Joe
Baca.
Copyright © 2002 David Orland. All rights
reserved. International copyright secured.
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