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The assault began suddenly. There I was, quietly sipping my
espresso at the Edge of Night, when my solitude was taken
hostage. "Watch your fingers, Professor," came a voice from
behind. Don pushed a table against mine and Zack pulled up
four chairs. Julie and Theresa appeared from nowhere. Still
standing, Zack flagged down the waitress, saying "One Road Kill
Special, with fries." Don threw in "Same here, but supersize the
fries." Zack said "Mine too."
Julie rolled her eyes. "Are those two competing or
something?" Theresa commented "Honestly, you'd think they'd
never seen food before." She and Julie ordered small pasta
salads.
Don got the point. "Sorry," he said. "Very rude," Zack
agreed. "We should have let you order first." They offered to fast
from their Strombolis. "Never mind," said Theresa. "We'll assign
suitable penances later."
Don turned to me and said, "You don't mind our invasion,
do you, Prof?"
"It seems to be a fait accompli," I replied.
"Say," he said. "On the way here we were talking about
terrorism. Since you're in a not-minding mood, do you mind if
we pick your brains?"
"Consider them ripe and ready. What about?"
Theresa said, "Terror. The anniversary of Nine-Eleven was
this week. We've all had conversations with friends, and a lot of
the same issues keep coming up."
"More to the point," said Zack, "the same conversation
stoppers."
"Right," Don agreed. "Like today. Zack and I were down at
the Union, talking with a guy we know named Jason."
Zack grinned. "Jason's an expert in conversation
stoppers."
"Anyway," said Don, "At first we talked about the causes of
terrorism. Then we talked about what you can do about it. All
three of us joined in. We seemed to be going fine until Zack said
— how did you put it?"
"I said that for me the big question is how to fight terrorists
without turning into a terrorist yourself."
"What happened then?" I asked.
Don answered, "Jason said, 'Get real. You do whatever you
can. The only difference between a terrorist and a freedom
fighter is whose side he's on.'"
"How did you answer him?"
They looked at each other. "He didn't give us a chance," said
Zack. "He just said 'I gotta go' and walked off."
Julie broke in. "I haven't been walked off on, but I've heard
pretty much the same thing from other people. Like in the night
course I'm taking."
"I
thought you were taking my advice about taking a break from
school."
"I am," she said, "but I'm off work on Thursdays —
how else could I be here? — and anyway it's a non-credit
course. Well, someone mentioned the 'war on terror.' A girl in
the class said 'All war is evil. Terror is just a word we use for
what the other side does in a war."
"Did you answer?"
"Yes! I said 'If that were true, we couldn't ever criticize our
own side. We couldn't make distinctions. But I can
criticize my own side. I can make distinctions. Like
in World War II, when we firebombed Dresden. Our cause was
just, but that was wrong."
"What happened next?" I asked her.
"I ran out of steam," she confessed. "The instructor asked,
'You say you have standards, but aren't all standards merely
one's own standards? Aren't they culture-bound?" I didn't know
how to answer that. I felt like he'd played a trick on me, but I
couldn't see quite where."
"I think I see where," Theresa said. "The proof is in the
pudding, isn't it? Julie's instructor should have asked her what
standards she had in mind. Demanding an abstract
demonstration that not all standards are culture-bound was just
another conversation stopper."
"Um," Julie said, "That sounds great, but I didn't exactly say
that I have standards. What I said is that I make
distinctions."
"Don't you have to have standards to make those
distinctions?" asked Don.
"I suppose I must, but I don't know what they are."
"What kind should you have?" I said. "What you're trying to
do is show that terrorism isn't just a word we use
for what the other side does in a war. So you're really looking for
standards for — what?"
"War in general," said Zack.
"Right. Now we don't want to reinvent the wheel. Have
standards already been worked out for war in general?"
"Isn't that what just war doctrine is supposed to provide?
I've heard you talk about it. Julie's instructor would reject it
because its origin is Christian. But its standards are
supposed to be general moral rules that any fair
mind should be able to recognize as right — isn't that the
idea?"
"It is. Standards like what, though?"
"Like, 'there has to be a just cause'? That's the only one I
know."
"It sounds pretty empty," said Don. "I hate to sound like
Julie's instructor, but everyone thinks that his own cause is
just."
I answered, "'There has to be a just cause' doesn't mean
'Any cause that I promote is just.' It means that war shouldn't be
waged except to protect innocent life, to ensure that people can
live decently, and to secure their natural rights."
"I don't think terrorists are particularly interested in
protecting innocent life," Julie said. "Look at the way that they
fight."
"We can come back to how they fight," I said, "but not so
fast. 'Just cause' isn't a criterion for how to fight a war. It's a
criterion for whether it's all right to go to war in the first place.
Let's finish those criteria first."
Don said, "Finish them? You mean 'just cause' isn't the only
criterion for whether a war would be just?"
"Certainly not. For example, there has to be 'competent
public authority.' That means that war must be declared by a
legitimate government. It's not something to be decided upon by
vigilantes."
"I know that terrorists violate
that standard," said Julie. Take al-Qaeda. They
don't represent any government."
"True," said Don, "but al-Qaeda's not the only game in
town. What about state-sponsored terrorism? Would we say that
because it's sponsored by a state, it's not terrorism?"
"The criterion refers to a legitimate government," Theresa
pointed out. 'Is every state legitimate?"
"Does legitimacy require democracy?" asked Zack.
"Julie's instructor would say that legitimacy is in the eye of
the beholder," Don protested.
"Yes," Julie said, "but Julie's wristwatch says Julie has to get
back to work soon. Professor Theophilus, could you skip the rest
of the when-to-go-to-war criteria, just give the others quick
answers to their questions, and go back to the other criteria you
mentioned — the ones about how war has to be
fought?"
"I could do that. Are the rest of you agreed?" They nodded.
"All right, quick answers. Anyone who doesn't like them can
argue with me later in my office." Zack grinned. "Theresa, you're
dead right that not every state is legitimate. Don, it's true that
evaluating a state's legitimacy requires a moral judgment, but
that doesn't make it arbitrary. For example you can ask whether
the rulers are motivated by their selfish interests or by the
common good. Zack, democracy is good if you can manage it,
but a state can be legitimate without being democratic, and it
can be democratic without being legitimate. Suppose that a
corrupt majority wants to murder the innocent minority! Am I
hurrying fast enough, Julie?"
"Yes," she said. "But keep your promise!"
"Right — about the war-fighting criteria. The first is
'proportionality.' We must never use tactics that can be expected
to bring about more evil than good."
"Another of those slippery judgment calls," said Don.
"The second is 'right intention.' Even in war, our goal
shouldn't be to annihilate the enemy, but to achieve a just
peace. That means we have to avoid any act or demand that
would make it impossible for them to reconcile with us some
day. Of course they may nurse hatreds of their own that would
prevent reconciliation, but those aren't our responsibility."
Theresa said, "You can't call that one slippery,
Don. Terrorists don't believe in reconciliation. They don't even
pretend to."
"The final criterion," I went on, "is 'discrimination.' If you
want to understand terrorism, that's the crucial one."
"Discrimination between what and what?" asked Julie.
"Between combatants and noncombatants," I said, "between
soldiers and innocent bystanders. Of course harm might come to
people accidentally, but directly intended attacks
upon innocents are categorically forbidden."
"Why do you call that criterion the crucial one?" asked
Zack.
"Because it's the one that shows most clearly that terrorism
isn't just a word we use for what the other side
does in a war."
"Don't you see, Zack?" Theresa broke in. "Killing innocents is
the whole point of terrorism. Kids in school buses. Mothers in
supermarkets. All those people in the Towers. None of those
people were combatants."
"Don said, "Are you saying that terrorists
believe in murder? That they don't think that it's
evil?"
"They murder because they know that it's
evil," I answered. "According to terrorist theory, that's why it
works; only moral abomination is traumatic enough to achieve
the result that they seek. They view deliberate destruction of
innocent human life as a way to bring down a government that
they aren't strong enough to defeat directly.
The goal is to alienate the government from the
citizens — not only by proving that their
government can't protect them, but by driving the
government to more and more repressive measures in
the attempt to stamp them out.
Ideas like these were circulating
long, long before anyone heard of al-Qaeda."
Zack was thoughtful. "So when Don and I were talking with
Jason, I asked the right question after all. How does a nation of
people fight terrorists without turning into terrorists
themselves?"
"Keep asking that question," I said. "One side is betting that
there's an answer. The other side is betting that there
isn't."
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